The Southern Poverty Smearbund
The Smearbund is raging again; and as usual, its accusations against people whose views differ from its own tell more about the accuser than the targets of its defamation. On March 11, our college public relations office emailed me a feature story from the Las Vegas Journal, one that was receiving national online circulation. I, among others, was mentioned as someone who would be speaking at a conference to be held in Bodrun, Turkey in late May. This apparently was not a good idea, inasmuch as Heidi Beirich, deputy director of the Southern Poverty Law Center, was sure that “this looks like a very serious racist event.” All of the announced participants were generously tarred with a racist-fascist brush. I myself was made to look especially suspicious since I was speaking on “the disease of equality,” a relatively esoteric topic that required the following explanation for morons: “Egalitarianism is the notion that all people should have equal economic, social and political rights.” I was also upbraided for having appeared at an American Renaissance Conference at some undisclosed point in the past, where I had delivered myself of an ominous-sounding stem-winder on “the Decline of WASPdom.”
Heidi filled her descriptions of the hated speakers, including a leading German demographer, Volkmar Weiss, with complaints about “academic racism,” a plague that would soon be reaching the eastern shores of the Aegean Sea. She was also upset that some of the speakers “promote the right to be able to discriminate in one’s personal and business relations.” The key organizer, a German-American economist (and disciple of Murray Rothbard) Hans-Hermann Hoppe was even alleged to have stated that “homosexuals tend to plan less for the future because they don’t have children.” Heidi was deeply concerned that we were looking at the beginning of a worldwide danger: “It sound like a pretty high-level gathering of high-level academic racists.”
For anyone who still clings to the belief in the Left’s cognitive superiority, this howl against the racist scourge should dispel any illusion. Another forthcoming speaker, Richard Lynn of the University of Ulster, suffers abuse for having provided research evidence for “The Global Bell Curve.” For this and other research indiscretions, the author Lawrence Mower quotes a presumably impartial source, Cynthia Luria of the Nevada ADL, that “inviting Lynn and the others to speak is unacceptable.” One wonders how much of the misnamed Bell Curve Cynthia, Heidi, or Larry has actually read—or would be able to digest. On what ground does Cynthia find it “unacceptable” to invite me? Since my works never deal directly with IQ discrepancies or with the (demonstrable) connection between intelligence and heredity, why should I not be allowed to fly to Bodrun? Or perhaps these high-powered thinkers are protecting me against a “high-level gathering of high-level academic racists.” Although hardly associated with the right, my academic colleagues found these descriptions of dangerous thought to be ludicrous self-exhibitions coming from intellectual vulgarians. For me, however, this posturing is symptomatic of the “anti-fascist” hysteria that has already swept over Western and Central Europe. By now the current anti-fascist fury has resulted in the destruction of civil liberties and in the eradication of academic freedom, trends that far-sighted groups like the Vlaams Belang are trying to escape from, together with the unrestricted Third World immigration that has contributed to European civil unrest. For the record, our hostess in Bodrun, an educated, affluent Turkish lady, shares most of the same concerns as the other participants.
Another recent display of anti-fascist hysteria came from George Archibald, inveighing against his onetime superior, Washington Times morning editor Fran Coombs. On March 14, George who is no longer employed by the Times, expressed concern in his daily blog that his former boss might succeed the soon-to-retire editor-in-chief Wes Pruden. This possibility pains the apparently sensitive Archibald, since Fran is “a white supremacist racist” who may be running an important Republican publication. The evidence cited is that Fran’s wife Marian is associated, albeit in some non-specific way, with the “neo-Nazi American Renaissance magazine.” Moreover, the couple’s webmaster for their personal website is a “virulent white-supremacist,” George R. McDaniel. The proof provided for the charge against this resident of Raleigh North Carolina is that “he was a friend and ally of Sam Francis.” For those may have forgotten,” Sam Francis was someone “Pruden reluctantly fired as an editorial writer in 1995 because Sam Francis attended a pro-Nazi, white supremacist meeting and wrote propaganda causes promoting their cause.”
There is virtually nothing in this story that can withstand the test of honest examination. By the time he got around to the act, Pruden was looking for any excuse to dump his prize-winning journalist Dr. Francis. He did fire him but not for writing neo-Nazi “propaganda pieces.” Sam had gone after neocon sacred cows, while Pruden was knuckling under to neocon control. Sam had also shown the temerity to suggest that Christianity does not condemn slavery explicitly. Sam was then responding to a maudlin apology by the Southern Baptist Convention for the sins of their ancestors who had owned slaves. Nowhere did Sam, who was one of my closest friends in the world, defend racial or any other kind of slavery. He was simply reacting to what he and I understood as an exemplification of “the politics of guilt.” Moreover, as someone who occasionally reads American Renaissance, I have never found “neo-Nazi” propaganda on its pages. Its editor Jared Taylor takes a dim view of interracial relations, albeit no more pessimistic than the one expressed by Abraham Lincoln, who had hoped to send manumitted slaves to Africa. The magazine’s politics are not national socialist or fascist corporatist but anarchically libertarian, except for their concern about controlling more effectively our open borders to the South. About a third of the readership and some of the contributors, I have learned, are Jewish. One need not agree with the publication from beginning to end to recognize that its stress on voluntary racial separatism and political libertarianism does not equal Hitlerism. Since millions of people were murdered by the Communists on the dubious charge of being “Nazis” and “fascists,” this now routinely hurled accusation may be the most pernicious in human history.
Archibald’s charges against American Renaissance and its controversial editor are entirely unsubstantiated, but they do serve the purpose of slandering Mrs. Coombs and others whom Archibald is eager to settle scores with. During my period of association with the Washington Times Corporation in the late 1980s, I recall Archibald as a frenetic Republican loyalist from Britain, who had expensive tastes. He owned a horse farm in Virginia and though supposedly happily married, spent a lot of time flirting with (and dressing up for) women. Archibald never gave the impression of being personally interested in imitating Abe Foxman or Heidi Beirich. His major professional preoccupation then was exposing the sins of Democratic politicians.
What he has obviously learned is that one scores points with the liberal media by calling enemies on the right “anti-Semitic” or “racist.” The persistent use of this charge has helped the SPLC to come back from major revelations which have focused on the mendacity and misdeeds of its director Morris Dees. In Harpers (November 2000), contributing editor Ken Silverstein brought out a blistering indictment against this figure, who was shown as a someone who hyped hate crimes in order to extract huge sums from gullible contributors. The lesson that has come out is that if you call people “racists,” the media may well play along, even if your organization is badly damaged goods. In Archibald’s case, given his loss of a job, a disaster for which he blames Coombs, his talk about “white supremacists” and “neo-Nazis” may be aimed at professional recovery.
As a historian, I couldn’t help noticing the undemonstrated nature of the charges hurled at Mrs. Coombs. The string of citations from a letter she wrote in 2002 does not prove much of anything, save for the facts that the letter’s author is concerned about Mexican irredentists in the US and that she believes that Americans do not praise sufficiently the positive achievements of the West. Both positions seem eminently defensible, and both have been argued recently by Samuel Huntington, who describes himself as a “liberal Democrat.” Are these civics lessons quotations the most damning evidence that Archibald can find to use against the spouse of a former boss, someone from whom presumably he had parted in less than friendly circumstances? Perhaps the unemployed journalist and aging womanizer should take lessons about slandering from Heidi or some other critic of “The Global Bell Curve.”
Immigration




Comments
Another article to illustrate the death of common sense, the blind embrace of mediocrity and the slow but systematic creation of “thoughtcrime.” Independent critical thinking that is anything other than repentant, hateful towards the West is reviled in the western hemisphere. All the self-loathing is so played out…
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The Southern Poverty Law Center, for those who have never had direct dealings with them, is one of the finest collections of dented cans and scoundrels one could imagine. They are, ironically, the ultimate “hate group.” From the perspective of public discourse, we now live in an era of public lies and private truths. Blame the self-serving, treasonous elites if you will, but the ultimate power of these special interest groups rests in the cowardice of the people. There still are true patriots out there, although they have a harder time holding down jobs.
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The SPLC has apparently decided to immerse itself in theological matters, finding their latest bogeyman in traditional Roman Catholics. Give it up, Morris!
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Interesting text !
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Re/ the SPLC, one might as well laugh as cry: http://conservativetimes.org/?p=266
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Here’s the revealing statement of Jim Tharpe, the Deputy Metro Editor of the Atlanta Constitution, which he made during a Harvard panel discussion of the Nieman Foundation for Journalism about his experience editing a massive Pulitzer-finalist investigative series on the Southern Poverty Law Center during his days at the Montgomery Advertiser:
http://niemanwatchdog.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=about.Panel%20Discussion:%20Nonprofit%20Organizations%20May%2099
I’d never done any reporting on nonprofits, I thought they were all good guys, they were mom-and-pop, bake-sale, raise-money-for-the-local-fire-department type operations. I had no idea how sophisticated they were, how much money they raised, and how little access you have to them as a reporter, some of which has already been covered here.
Summary of Findings
Our series was published in 1995 after three years of very brutal research under the threat of lawsuit the entire time.
Our findings were essentially these:
The [Southern Poverty Law] center was building up a huge surplus. It was 50-something million at that time; it’s now approaching 100 million, but they’ve never spent more than 31 percent of the money they were bringing in on programs, and sometimes they spent as little as 18 percent. Most nonprofits spend about 75 percent on programs.
A sampling of their donors showed that they had no idea of the center’s wealth. The charity watchdog groups, the few that are in existence, had consistently criticized the center, even though nobody had reported that.
There was a problem with black employees at what was the nation’s richest civil rights organization; there were no blacks in the top management positions. Twelve out of the 13 black current and former employees we contacted cited racism at the center, which was a shocker to me. As of 1995, the center had hired only two black attorneys in its entire history.
Questionable Fundraising
We also found some questionable fundraising tactics. One of the most celebrated cases the center handled was the case of a young black man, Michael Donald, who was killed by Klansmen in Mobile, Alabama, and his body suspended from a tree, a very grotesque killing. The state tried the people responsible for the murder and several of them ended up on death row, a couple ended up getting life in prison.
The center, after that part of the case took place, sued the Klan organization to which they belonged and won a $7 million verdict. It was a very celebrated verdict in this country. The problem was the people who killed this kid didn’t have any money. What they really got out of it was a $51,000 building that went to the mother of Michael Donald. What the C enter got and what we reported was they raised $9 million in two years using the Donald case, including a mailing with the body of Michael Donald as part of it.
The top center officials, I think the top three, got $350,000 in salaries during that time, and Morris got a movie out of it, a TV movie of the week. I think it was called, “The Morris Dees Story.” [Actually, “Line of Fire: The Morris Dees Story” with, appropriately enough, Corbin Bernsen (who played sleazy lawyer Arnie Becker on “LA Law") as Morris.]
As I said, being the editor on this series really raised my eyebrows. I never knew anything about nonprofits before this. I thought we would have complete access to their financial records; we didn’t. We had access to 990’s, which Doug mentioned earlier, which tell you very little, but they are a good starting point.
Organizations Monitor Nonprofits
I also learned that there are organizations out there that monitor nonprofits. A couple of these that might be worth your time are the National Charities Information Bureau, the American Institute of Philanthropy, and the Charities Division of the Better Business Bureau. They have rather loose guidelines, I think, for the way nonprofits operated, and even with those guidelines, they had blasted the center repeatedly for spending too little on programs, for the number of minorities in management positions, just very basic stuff that they’d been criticized for but nobody had reported.
The relationship with sources on this story was pretty interesting, because like I said, most of these people were our friends, and as somebody mentioned earlier, these were the disillusioned faithful. They were people who didn’t resign. As I said, most of their jobs simply ran out, but they left the center very disillusioned and very willing to talk about it, although most of them wanted to talk off the record.
That presented a number of problems for us. We did not publish anything in the series unless it was attributed to somebody, but we went beyond that. I think if we had stuck with that tack as the only thing we did in the series, we would have ended up with people at the center could have easily dismissed as disgruntled employees.
By looking at 990’s, what few financial records we did have available, we were able to corroborate much of that information, many of the allegations they had made, the fact that the center didn’t spend very much of its money that it took in on programs, the fact that some of the top people at the center were paid very high salaries, the fact that there weren’t minorities in management positions at the center.
If I had advice for anybody looking into a nonprofit it would be this: It’s the most tenacious story. You have to be more tenacious in your pursuit of these things than anything else I’ve ever been a part of. These guys threatened us with a lawsuit from the moment we asked to look at their financial records.
They were very friendly and cooperative, up until the point where we said, “We want to see the checks you write,” and they turned over their 990’s and said, “Come look at these.” We said, “We don’t want to see those, we know what those are and we’ve seen them. We actually want to see the checks you write,” and they said, “Well, there’s 23,000 checks we’ve written over two years, you don’t possibly have time to look through all those,” and we said, “Yes, we do, and we’ll hire an auditor to do it.”
First Threats, Eventually No Response to Questions
At that point, they hired an independent attorney. They’re all lawyers, you’ve got to understand. They hired an attorney who began first by threatening me, then my editor, and then the publisher. “And you better be careful of the questions you ask and the stories you come up with,” and they would cite the libel law to us. So we were under threat of lawsuit for two years, basically, during the research phase of the series.
They initially would answer our questions in person, as long as they could tape-record it. After we asked about finances, they wanted the questions written down and sent to them in advance, and then finally they said, “We’re tired of you guys, we’re not answering anything else,” and they completely cut us off.
We published the series over eight days in 1994, and it had very little effect, actually. I think the center now raises more money than it ever has. [Laughter]
The story really didn’t get out of Montgomery and that’s a real problem. The center’s donors are not in Montgomery; the center’s donors are in the Northeast and on the West Coast. So the story pretty much was contained in Montgomery where it got a shrug-of-the-shoulders reaction. We really didn’t get much reaction at all, I’m sad to say.
One of our editorial writers had an interesting comment on it. I think he stole it from somebody else, but his comment was this: “They came to do good and they’ve done quite well for themselves, and they’ve done even better since the series was published.” I’m not sure what the lesson in that is, but don’t assume because a nonprofit has a sterling reputation it’s not worth looking into, and don’t assume when you start looking into it that it’s going to be easy to get the information, because it’s not.
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