Where The Grapes Of Wrath Are Stored
In a very good column on Pope Benedict’s visit and the clashing theologies of the Pope and the President, Scott Richert made an important series of points related to the earlier patriotism/nationalism debate we were having here:
“On occasion, here and elsewhere, I have described President Bush as a nationalist, and I’m almost always taken to task immediately by those who argue that nationalism simply means the defense of the nation-state. President Bush cannot be a nationalist, they argue, because he has no qualms about the destruction of the American, the shipping of U.S. jobs overseas, the tearing down of what remains of our borders, the demographic transformation of the United States.
While it’s true that many people who are concerned about these issues identify themselves as nationalists, historically nationalism has signified something else: an abstract commitment to a nation that isn’t necessarily concerned with the well-being of a particular people in a particular place (traditionally denoted as patriotism). For a century, American nationalists such as President Bush have been committed to an idea of America that has little or nothing to do with the actual lives of actual Americans (much less the land on which they live), and everything to do with America as a “proposition” or “credal nation,” which can accept all people as part of itself, while spreading what is “essential” to the nation (the proposition or creed) to populations abroad.”
This is very much in line with what I was arguing earlier, but I want to discuss what this means in practice. The nationalist, properly defined, is preoccupied with either a mission or with “greatness” or both. A people cannot mind its own business if it still needs to fulfill its mission or secure its claim to “greatness,” so this usually means embroiling the whole people in certain grand projects that impose enormous costs, either in tax or in lives or in both, and significantly change social and political life to accomplish the mission. Should someone note that the actual citizenry is not helped by any of this, but is demonstrably harmed, he will be greeted with derision for “not understanding” the importance of the cause, or perhaps will be condemned as self-indulgent and unwilling to sacrifice on behalf of the mission (to which, often as not, he never consented and wants no part of). The instrument that nationalists use for such grand projects is first and foremost the state, though they will be interested in co-opting as many other institutions as possible by making clear that “contributing” to the project is the only option for loyal and good members of the nation, and it is usually through the coercive apparatus of the state that they want to work the transformation of the nation through internal reorganization, concentration of power in the national government and the ideal catalyst for both, which is to say the waging of war. In many countries, when nationalism first emerges it is not initially a popular or a mass phenomenon. Normal people down through the ages have identified with their local village or town, or perhaps a region, but something on the scale of a modern nation-state is so far removed that it is almost meaningless at first, at least until nationalists set about conditioning the broad mass of the people to make the unnatural and strange move of identifying with the nation-state as the institutional embodiment of their country. In this way, local patriotic attachments start to be transmuted into the rudiments of nationalist feeling. The unnatural commitment to an abstraction is made to seem a proper extension of natural affinities, while at the same time the triumph of nationalist policies erodes the social and economic basis for resistance to the center. From the perspective of such an abstract proposition nationalist, the creation of a multi-ethnic empire that facilitates and encourages the dislocations of globalization does more to undermine local and regional centers of resistance to the nation-state than it does to weaken the power of the national government.


Comments
It struck me that nationalism is a “global” feeling, whereas patriotism is concerned with the internal domestic affairs of one’s nation. The nationalist is very concerned with how other countries view his own, or in how his own country should interact with other nations. The patriot is not nearly concerned with how his country is viewed by outsiders. Thus, while (Ron Paul jumps to mind, sorry) could easily be called a patriot, I would hesitate to call him a nationalist. However, with the threat of terrorism generally viewed as a domestic threat, the lines between patriotism and nationalism become blurred, for a man (Pres. Bush comes to mind, again I apologize) to be concerned for the domestic health of his country as well as its international status. Perhaps it is as simple as the difference between love and pride (patriotism and nationalism respectively). One may have both, one or the other, or neither. For instance, I have love for my region (the midwest) but not necessarily for every part of the country, thus, I would hesitate to call myself a patriot (and certainly not a nationalist - I feel very little pride in my nation at this rotten stage).
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It surprises me that someone familiar with Orthodox culture would write this. As early as the sseventeenth century the Serbs recognized various groups of their own language/religion to be kindred, and, though deivided between empires, helped each other out as local communities. This is not to say that they were political nationalists seeking a Westphalian state, but that there were ties far beyond the local community. Eventaully of course they pushed for their own state, not only in the Ottoman empire but in Southern Hungary. The peoople of the low coutnry fought as a nation against the Spanish empire—uniting far beyond local villages. Germany and Italy were both recognizable as culture nations, the gradual political union of both was not some random process but a propoer alignment of the cultural and political. Both, obviously, exceded their bounds eventually, but that was due more to the ideology of imperialism than to nationalism.
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President Bush’s “National Security Strategy” 2002 begins with this remarkable sentence: “The great struggles of the twentieth century between liberty and totalitarianism ended with a decisive victory for the forces of freedom--and a single sustainable model for national success: freedom, democracy, and free enterprise.” This could serve as a working definition for what Mr. Larison is properly calling “nationalism.” Nationalism almost always (at least in today’s world) requires ideology, which has nothing to do with patriotism, or love of the patria. Mr. Larison’s brilliant column, “Look Homeward,” in the February 25 issue of The American Conservative, makes a similar case for the very great distinction between conservative institutions and Republican politics, which is a subset of this larger argument. Sadly, the last conservative Republican patriot to occupy the White House was probably Calvin Coolidge.
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Bush is the antithesis of a nationalist. He is an imperialist. Many of his major goals revolve around enriching and increasing the power of a small privileged clique and of a small foreign country.
Please think before writing such nonsense.
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Webster’s:
Nationalism: Loyalty and devotion to a nation; especially: a sense of national consciousness exalting one nation above all others and placing primary emphasis on promotion of its culture and interests as opposed to those of other nations of supranational groups.
“historically nationalism has signified something else: an abstract commitment to a nation that isn’t necessarily concerned with the well-being of a particular people in a particular place (traditionally denoted as patriotism). . . The nationalist, properly defined, is preoccupied with either a mission or with “greatness” or both.”
The word Nationalist historically has often been used to describe groups trying to get out from under the boot heel of some foreign oppressor. The word you are looking for is indeed imperialist. Nationalists, like internationalists, may be imperialist or anti-imperialists (most imperialism today is internationalist in nature - the great territory wars are over - at least for now). Bush isn’t really an imperialist though, he really isn’t even an internationalist. he and his Republican bigwig cohorts are just amoral big businessmen who are willing to go along (to get along) with the internationalism of the dominant cultural elite (that is to say, the real political power) as long as they can still protect their class and personal interests. That’s what “compassionate conservative” means. If Bush and crew were really nationalists we wouldn’t be in Iraq, nor would we have a border problem. You can’t believe in “creedal nation” and be a nationalist, period. Creedal nation’s practical manifestation, mass immigration, is internationalism turned inward.
The nation-state isn’t disappearing any time soon, we’re not going back to some arcadian utopia where people owe their allegiance to their town or region because the organized have an advantage over the disorganized, and a proper nation-state is the largest and most efficient organization that can be built around the (ideally) shared cultural interests of its citizens, driven in large part by technology. Your village isn’t going to compete with a China, it will be dictated to by a China. Westerners who abandon the nation-state are merely choosing to commit historical suicide, others won’t be as foolish.
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I think some historical context could help in these logomachies about “nationalism,” which first arises as a revolutionary ideology both in Tudor England and Jacobin France along with massive internal repression: the transfer of wealth and resources from one class to another, inquisitions, persecutions, torture, scapegoating enemies and ideological criminalization.
Here and now we have the whole kit: the rampage of finance, the Patriot and Military Commissions Acts, internment, torture, the abrogation of the Bill of Rights, Islamo-viral nightmares and hallucinations, and HR 1955, The American Inquisition.
The “proposition” involved in this “proposition nation” is hardly calm or rational so your analysis seems somehow incommensurate to account for what is at stake. I mean, is this like just for fun “Take the test! Are you a patriot or a nationalist?
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Bush ran and won in 2000 on a platform of “humble” foreign policy and generally smaller, more modest, less intrusive federal government. We were attacked on 9/11 as a result of our belligerent foreign policies, and suddenly Bush’s entire platform goes out the window?
Born and bred a snot-nosed scion of few principles, intellectual or otherwise, the empty vessel Bush, who had always been cushioned from the reality of his own incompetence by his string-pulling clan, in his role as president was quickly surrounded by a pack of Straussian Neocon Trotskyites in a city that has been impacted by other political currents in the Marxist vein for decades. Combine this malign influence with the forces of greedy big business as epitomized by the military-industrial complex, big media, and the military services industry, throw in crackpot “faith-based” theories of Empire, Zionism and privatized occupation technocrats “remaking” the middle east, and package it all in a pretense of “fighting terrorism and spreading freedom and democracy,” and what do you call the resultant witches brew?
The worst, most parasitic components of a “diverse” America (religious, political, cultural, economic, ideological and otherwise) have descended upon Washington and this selfish, ambitious, delusional, bickering tower of Babel has produced America’s insane, incompetent, blundering foreign policy (and its insane domestic policy as well.)
I don’t think the label has been invented yet that describes this poisonous stew, but I call it Red-fascism.
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“Dubya” is clearly an “internationalist”, frustrated with his citizens not in agreement with his “GLOBALIST AGENDA”! He sees the world as his clay to be molded into his vission of “Cultic Democracy.” Had he come from a normal family, he would most likely be in prison or trying to grow some wacked out cult?
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To imply that national loyalty is a kind of supremacism is not known to be more than a smear-job, copied out of the liberal one-worlder’s book. Is one supposed to dream that the UN wouldn’t be a terror-support organization, if only it were Christian, but the world is not about to convert. Instead it exploits any and every weakness of national loyalty on the right, to get its indispensable aggressors in to the countries whose national loyalties are a threat to anti-civilizational internationalism.
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