September 28, 2016

Source: Bigstock

In truth, America has been obsessed for over a half century with rooting out the faintest evidence of bias against blacks.

For example, the president for eight years”€”seven and a half years, to be semi-exact”€”has been a black Democrat. When the Obama Administration focused on persecuting local law enforcement two years ago, beginning with the Ferguson fiasco, it immediately drove the homicide rate through the roof in the poor cities upon which it cast its baleful eye.

The FBI reported on Monday that 1,500 more people were murdered in 2015 than in the year before. Much of that slaughter occurred in cities targeted by Black Lives Matter protests with White House backing. The liberal Brennan Center expects the murder rate in 2016 in the 30 biggest cities to be over 30 percent higher than in 2014. In an era when the murder rate should be falling 5 percent per year due to technological improvements in emergency care and video, this is a self-inflicted catastrophe.

Hillary is not getting more flexible with age. On crime, she sounded like LBJ’s disastrous attorney general Ramsey Clark or an elderly, even less clever Malcolm Gladwell:

Lester, I think implicit bias is a problem for everyone, not just police. I think, unfortunately, too many of us in our great country jump to conclusions about each other. And therefore, I think we need all of us to be asking hard questions about, you know, why am I feeling this way?… We would put money into that budget to help us deal with implicit bias by retraining a lot of our police officers.

When the Establishment went on the warpath against prejudice in the 1960s and 1970s, it managed to destroy much of urban America. The recent outbursts of undocumented shopping in Charlotte, Milwaukee, Baltimore, and Ferguson are profoundly alarming to citizens. But to the national media, the looters are heroes.

Can Trump adequately articulate the ruling class”€™ growing hatred of the majority?

The truth is that Trump isn”€™t really all that talented at what the professional wrestling business calls “€œmic work.”€ But as I pointed out a couple of months ago in my column “€œThe Inarticulate Orator,”€ it’s precisely because he’s not terribly verbally facile that he’s been less likely to fall prey to the reigning bad ideas of our time the way Hillary has come increasingly under the sway of the Orwellian-Gladwellian conventional wisdom.

On the other hand, Trump’s huge challenge is that he’s trying to undermine, more or less single-handedly, the dominant mental bilge of our era. That’s not an easy task to accomplish in the off-the-cuff remarks Trump prefers. It takes longer speeches of the kind Ronald Reagan emphasized.

As this first debate showed, Trump can”€™t always rely on his sheer Trumposity to get his message across in his sentence fragments.

Trump’s secret weapon in his long climb to contention going back to his acceptance speech at the Republican convention has been that he has a brilliant speechwriter in young Stephen Miller, who first emerged in the public eye as a student at Duke University in 2006 when he dared defend the lacrosse team against the faculty’s and The New York Times“€™ rape hoax. Miller has developed for the 2010s as original and insightful a rhetoric as Reagan and his speechwriting team evolved 40 years ago for the problems of their own time.

Trump has six weeks until the election. Working closely with Miller, he has a shot at subverting the dominant paradigms.

Winging it, he doesn”€™t.


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