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Jeremy Carl’s new book The Unprotected Class: How Anti-White Racism Is Tearing America Apart is important because it is one of the first works devoted to a central problem of the 21st century, the long-gestating rise of racist animus against white people.

Yet, in an era of protected classes, whites have been averse to noticing that hatred against themselves has become highly respectable.

Carl provides 77 pages of endnotes documenting the current obsession with despising whites. Still, whites have been weirdly averse to calling out all the loathing directed toward them. Few dare call it racism, instead preferring some more charitable explanation, such as attributing it to Marxism.

Mentioning all the bigotry targeted at whites is so unpopular that we don’t even have any agreed-upon terms for it. For example, Carl uses “anti-white racism” in his subtitle to denote racism against whites, but that can easily be confused with being against “white racism,” which is something highly different (or perhaps not). So I prefer the explicit term “racist anti-white hate,” but others might find that too on the nose.

One general problem is that whites have not been allowed to have representatives to offer guidance upon terminology for referring to white concerns the way that Jesse Jackson was able in December 1988 to make “African American” a respectable synonym for “black.” Jackson had performed impressively among black voters in the Democratic presidential primaries in both 1984 and 1988, so when he announced that he preferred “African American” over “black,” while that wasn’t going to stop me from using “black,” I was also happy to have a reasonable variant approved by the then rightful leader of blacks.

But whites, of course, must remain leaderless, without spokesmen. For instance, the American establishment was horrified that gentlemanly Jared Taylor volunteered to return phone calls if the press ever wanted a white opinion on racial controversies in the news, the way Jackson and Al Sharpton had long supplied the black perspective.

Sharpton, for example, made 72 visits to the Obama White House from 2009 through 2014. Yet Taylor, a magnanimous observer of his opponents, has been banned from Twitter for nearly a decade, even under Elon Musk. Restoring Taylor to Twitter (or X or whatever it is called now) would seem like the highest priority in proving that the era of racist anti-white hate is finally over. But so far nobody has gotten through to Musk.

Jeremy Carl is a pretty normal guy, a former official in the Interior Department in the Trump administration now with the Claremont Institute. He has five kids, which seems to drive, not unreasonably, his thinking. His dedication reads:

For my children: may they be treated equally as they pursue their dreams.

Presumably, this is a reference to Martin Luther King’s famous statement:

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I’ve long argued that fostering anti-white hate is the inevitable result of the grand strategy of the Democratic Party to exploit the growth of diversity in the electorate by concocting a Coalition of the Fringes of American society. As immigration and social decay (e.g., transgenderism) make America more fragmented, the Democrats prosper (for example, they have won the popular vote in seven of the past eight presidential elections).

But what can keep the Democrats’ assemblage of Jews and Muslims, black church ladies and LGBTs from turning on each other in a circular firing squad? So far, all the Democrats and their allies in the media have been able to come up with to unite their Coalition of the Margins is encouraging their constituents to hate Core Americans: men, the married, homeowners, and, most of all, whites.

Carl offers fifteen chapters on how these days it’s not okay to be white. He writes:

Because we live in a political climate that is hostile to white people, the notion that it could be okay to be white—that whiteness is not something worthy of being condemned—is viewed by many elites as a hostile statement.

On the other hand, DEI seems to be fading in 2024. For example, I was not permitted to do a single public appearance for more than a decade, from early 2013 to mid-2023, because hotels where I was booked to be hosted kept canceling reservations due to Antifa threats of violence.

In contrast, I made one appearance in 2023 and, due to the current vibe shift, eight so far in 2024. Lately, I’ve been on the road promoting my anthology Noticing, showing up in Los Angeles, Austin, Miami, West Virginia, and New York. Last week’s two appearances were in an old-money Robber Baron formal city club in Manhattan’s Upper East Side and in a basement dive bar in the Lower East Side, where I spoke to a standing-room-only crowd so enthusiastic that it left me feeling like I was opening for Talking Heads and the Ramones in 1977. These shows were so successful that the publishers are now talking about trips to San Francisco and Washington, D.C., in the fall.

I could imagine them paying for my going to, say, Chicago, Boston, and Seattle as well if anybody there is interested in organizing shows. What about other places? If you want me to speak at your organization elsewhere, let me know. It wouldn’t be free, but it wouldn’t be relatively expensive, either.

Why are elites so hostile toward whites lately?

Carl’s final chapter, “The End Game: Reparations and Expropriations,” theorizes that the purpose of DEI is

to create an intellectual and cultural environment to justify the expropriation of land, property, and other wealth from whites while instituting a permanent regime of anti-white employment and legal discrimination.

After the 2008 crash of subprime mortgages, you heard far less about borrowing as a path to generational wealth and far more about, as Marx would say, expropriating the expropriators. When they talk about “equity,” they mean they want to grab your home equity. Carl continues:

This is not to suggest that direct expropriation is the conscious strategy of most participants in these movements. Like every good political strategy, anti-whiteness has an exoteric and esoteric meaning—there is an “inner party,” a limited group that understands what the end game is, even if, at times, they may not even express it to themselves, and a far larger, more diverse, and less sophisticated “outer party” that simply thinks that in fighting for “white privilege” they are fighting for “justice.”…

If we don’t fight harder, we will soon be subsidizing our own expropriation.

One of the best aspects of The Unprotected Class is each chapter’s quotes. The “Reparations and Expropriation” chapter begins with a delectable 1975 extraction from Sen. Joe Biden:

I don’t feel responsible for the sins of my father and grandfather. I feel responsible for what the situation is today for sins of my own generation[,] and I’ll be damned if I feel responsible to pay for what happened 300 years ago.

Indeed.